French schwa is traditionally referred to as a weak or reduced vowel noted [ә] restricted to unstressed syllables and variably alternating with zero. It can surface wordinternally as in [sәmɛn], semaine, 'week', or word-finally as in [katχә], quatre, 'four'. In Standard French, it is considered a deletable lexical vowel when word-internal, but an epenthetic segment when word-final (Tranel 1981, Eychenne 2019, Hutin et al. 2020). Since Mende (1880), the patterns for its realization have been extensively studied, but less has been said about its distribution exclusively in word-final position in Standard French. The reason behind this imbalance lies in the fact that studies of variation phenomena are necessarily limited by the data. The initial ones mostly relied on grammaticality judgments by one or few informants: Consequently, they explored only lexical schwas, for which the judgment is straightforward. For example, native speakers of French know that they can pronounce pelouse, 'lawn' either as [pәluz] or [pluz] but not blouse, 'blouse' as *[bәluz]. Later studies, based on small corpora, did not allow extended detailed research. To provide a statistically reliable picture, such fine-grained variable phonetic phenomena are best investigated with a sufficient amount of tokens from natural data (Coleman et al. 2016). We thus used three large corpora: 1) ESTER (Galliano et al. 2005) contains 80h of (semi-)prepared speech (radio broadcast news) that we filtered to keep only ca. 40h of Standard French data; 2) ETAPE (Gravier et al. 2012) contains 13.5h of radio data and 29h of TV data, including debates and interviews; 3) NCCFr (Torreira et al. 2010) is comprised of 31h of face-to-face interactions between friends. Following the method described in Hallé and Adda-Decker (2011), an automated speech recognition (ASR) system for French (Gauvain et al. 2002, 2005) was used in forced alignment mode systematically allowing variants both with and without schwa. For example, the word mode, 'fashion' could be aligned with the transcriptions [mɔd] or [mɔdә] depending on whether the system judged that the coda was followed by a schwa or not. A generalized linear model was applied to the data to measure the part of extralinguistic factors such as speech style ((Wu et al. 2016, 2017), gender (Wu et al. 2017, Purse 2019) and orthography (Durand and Eychenne 2004, Eychenne 2019, Purse 2019) as well as linguistic factors such as phonotactic constraints on the length of the consonantal sequence around schwa-site (Grammont 1894, Delattre 1966, Bürki et al. 2011, Wu et al.2017), the quality of the word-final consonant (Hansen and Mosegaard-Hansen 2002) and the quality of the first segment of the following word (Dell 1970, Côté 2000). We thus propose the first extensive description of word-final schwa after all obstruents of Standard French, i.e. /ptkfsʃbdgvzʒ/, based on more than 110h of speech, i.e. ca. 125.000 tokens, validated with a statistical model. This study is interesting for the knowledge it provides regarding word-final schwa in French, but also as an example of what large corpora and automated methodologies can bring to linguistic inquiry of fine-grained free variation.